Salvaton?

Readers, I need not lecture you on the intricacies of the ongoing war. It seems every day we hear of another crime committed, another battle lost in a war with seemingly no end. The Japanese invasion of China, which initially signaled a decisive Japanese victory with vast early gains, has ground to a halt in terms of territorial gain. At this point, it’s tit for tat, man for man, with the greatest victim being the Chinese people. Millions are dead, and for what? Confidence in the government of Chiang Kai-shek has never been worse, rampant corruption is the worst-kept secret in the nation, and to top it off he retreated in humiliation from the Republic’s capital, leaving the city to the brutal onslaught of Japanese troops. The Republic has continuously shown an inability to care for the needs of the public, drowning possibly hundreds of thousands of civilians in the name of tactical advantage. It is no wonder people have flocked, in droves I might add, to the Chinese Communist Party in Yan’an, as well as their various splinter cells across the frontlines. 

The Yan’an Soviet, as many have called it, is a result of the “Long March” led by Chairman Mao Zedong, so remote as to keep the prying eyes of the Nationalist government far away, using the mountainous geography as a means of defense and isolation. I have undertaken the trek to this remote place in order to report back to you, dear readers, so that you may understand the appeal of the Soviet, as well as the not-so-savory aspects. I visited the Jiangxi Soviet, the predecessor to the Yan’an Soviet, a number of years ago as well, in a journalistic capacity, and I was intent on seeing what has changed in the interim. 

Mao is leading a wartime government, I cannot mince words when describing the purpose of this government. The full force of the Soviet is pointed towards the Japanese incursion, the economy is entirely directed towards supporting the wider war effort, and every man, woman, and child seems to have a “nationalistic fervor” if you will. Although in Jiangxi the Soviet was largely characterized by constant Nationalist attempts at their destruction, eventually leading to their expulsion, Yan’an seems to have taken somewhat of a step back from that rivalry. A great many people still prefer Mao to Chiang, evidenced by the mass immigration, however, you don’t hear the same anti-Nationalist rhetoric present all those years ago. Here and now it is about expelling the Japanese. Mao is said to have said something to the effect “There can be no communist experiment without a China in which to implement it.”  People are extremely receptive to this view, focused on a patriotic fervor, centered on the identity of the “Chinese people” fighting off imperialist invaders. While the Nationalist government isn’t entirely opposed to this kind of view Chiang is seen by the people to be something of an imperialist-sympathizer. He resisted any cooperation with the CCP until his hand was forced by his generals, a compromise only found after the Generalissimo was kidnapped and brought to the negotiating table. The people are aware of his fascist sympathies and tendencies, receiving extensive assistance and aid from Nazi Germany, who we are now at war with, as late as 1937. Japan, although an enemy of Chiang’s government, was not as high of a priority as he should have been, instead quarreling with the communists at the most inopportune of times. It has even been whispered, although concrete evidence is scarce, that Chiang’s government continues to withhold troops from the frontlines in preparation for an attack on the communists, possibly before the Japanese are even driven away.

Although the communists seem to be the preferable alternative I hesitate to even remotely describe them as a “utopia”, or even approaching such a distinction, which is often the image they try to convey. Mao Zedong, although beloved by a great many people, has shown tendencies reminiscent of an authoritarian, intent on personal rule. Mao Zedong Thought, also known as Maoism, serves as the centerpiece of the Party’s ideology, entirely derived from Mao’s own thoughts and writings in the past few decades. In its ideal form Maoism advocates for Agrarian revolution, the redistribution of wealth to the masses, and the overthrow of imperialist powers. The democratic power of the people is brought up by many, used as a centerpiece justification, a mandate if you will, of continued Communist rule. In practice, if you don’t align with Maoist thought you are purged from any position of authority, and your discourse will not be heard at any level. The Russian-backed intellectualism that characterized the Chinese communists of the 1920s and 1930s, those whom I often found myself surrounded by, have been cast aside entirely. The rectification campaign, as many have described it, seeks to push orthodox Marxism out of the picture. This is Mao’s movement, thus his name is on the “cover”. Although one could understand this in the light of adjusting traditional socialist thought in the face of a foreign situation, China is by no means the industrial European superpower Marx had in mind when describing the revolution of the proletariat, the policy in practice would seem to suggest a more sinister intention. The party has used this opportunity to castigate, and sometimes execute, anyone who does not fall into the CCP-directed mold. If the ideology of a party is derived from a single man, and that man has also instilled mortal fear in the minds of any possible dissenters, someone could reasonably call that a tyrannical rule. All keys to power descend from this single man, he dictates the society as a whole. And, yet, people still by-in-large approve of the Chairman’s Actions. This is wartime, after all, a heavy-handed approach is sometimes necessary to outlast a dire and uncertain situation. However, I would pose the question, where does this lead? The growth of Communists could conservatively be described as “exponential”, the Nationalist Party seems to be waning by the day. A peaceable solution in the aftermath of a Japanese defeat seems almost impossible considering pre-war relations, as well as fundamental ideological differences. Chiang’s government does have the support of foreign governments, the United States has provided abundant monetary and material aid to the Nationalists, while the CCP has largely alienated their natural Soviet (Russian) allies with the rectification campaign. The people clammer for regime change, but is that enough to overcome the might and interests of sprawling imperial nations? History would say no, the Century of Humiliation suggests China no longer can take on such a larger, more imposing, force. However, support for Mao only grows, holding off the Japanese, one of the most advanced militaries in the world, has bolstered the confidence of the Chinese communists in any protracted war. Either way, it seems we may be stuck with a rule that is both uncompromising and undemocratic, a future that does not bode well for the health of China as a whole.