Dear loyal readers,
Who could have anticipated China would be in an even worse place than it was when I last wrote? Since I last left you all those years ago, I traveled the long, arduous journey to Yenan in 1937, hoping to leave behind the Japanese imperialists in Beijing. A group of like-minded students and I were lucky enough to leave the city prior to the Japanese invasion! The trip was exhausting and dangerous. I doubted I would even make it through. Our group started with 25 and ended with 11 of us in Yenan [China: A Century of Revolution – China In Revolution]. I was determined to make it after reading Edgar Snow’s interview with Mao in 1936. I felt that the CCP in Yenan was the obvious choice in this time of chaos [Snow]. Reading the tales of his intellectual background, his novel ideals, and his lack of ego, Yenan seemed to be the only option [Snow 185]. Unfortunately, Yenan is not the utopia it was made out to be.
I risk my life even writing this. While there are many things that are favorable in Yenan, it is in no way a paradise. Do not twist my words; I would rather be here than anywhere else. However, I need to set the record straight for others who are about to make the deadly journey in hopes of finding a heaven on Earth that doesn’t exist. There are many great things about Yenan. In comparison to our former dynastic regimes and even Chiang Kai-shek’s leadership, there is an absence of megalomania and ego in Yenan that China has been due for [Snow]. Currently, Mao Zedong and his wife live in a humble dwelling just down the road from me [Snow 185].
Additionally, women are given far more opportunities for themselves [Johnson 66-67]. As someone who left their home to shed the gendered mold set for me since birth, I was naturally drawn to the CCP. In fact, one of my first friends in Yenan was He Manqiu, a female Red Army doctor with a similar background as me [Young 531]. Furthermore, Mao Zedong’s emphasis and value placed on the masses is something China needs! Two years ago, Mao himself said, “The masses are the real heroes, while we ourselves are often childish and ignorant, and without this understanding, it is impossible to acquire even the most rudimentary knowledge.” [LBR 62]. Despite all of my praise, there are a few drawbacks I believe the population of China needs to be made aware of before they risk their lives like I did.
I have a list of concerns. Firstly, despite the importance placed on the masses, there is a coercive nature to get us to think how the leaders think [LBR 65]. Mao’s plan, in his words, is as follows: “Take the ideas of the masses (scattered and unsystematic ideas) and concentrate them (through study turn them into concentrated and systematic ideas), then go to the masses and propagate and explain these ideas until the masses embrace them as their own” [LBR 66]. Although this is somewhat unproblematic, the issue lies with what happens when the masses don’t subscribe to their regurgitated thoughts [LBR 66]. Re-education or murder is commonplace in Yenan when this happens.
Second, gender equality is commonly swept under the rug or outright ignored to placate the feelings of the large male peasantry [Johnson]. One of the reasons I admired the CCP was due to their progressive feelings towards traditional marriage practices in China [Johnson]. However, these ideas have been scrapped to pacify the worries of married peasant men who are fearful their bought wives will finally have the right to divorce them to increase CCP numbers and soldiers [Johnson 68]. Furthermore, women are given opportunities outside of the home, and it is only because the men are not here to do it themselves [Johnson 65]. Once again, history continues, and I find myself, my feelings, and my rights worth less than a man.
Lastly, I was worried and eager to hide my intellectual history and background when I arrived in Yenan. There is an air of anti-intellectualism here. In fact, my friend He Manqiu hid that she was literate for quite a while to prevent the party from mistrusting her [Young 540]. To be able to think differently is a threat to a party in its infancy, like the CCP. While I agree with most of the Party’s teachings, I sometimes find myself at odds with the Party due to my background as a woman and a student. There are little issues here if you’re a peasant simply trying to survive, but if you are like me, keep these issues in mind before you leave everything behind.
Good Luck,
Cui Shuli
These developments are more than troubling, to say the least. Advancement has been made at the end of the day, yes, but taking steps back is incompatible with the wider vision of a society by the people for the people. I wonder how many of these measures are solely to combat enemy forces, both Japanese and often Nationalist, or if this is just a continuing trend as the movement grows. Although Mao appears to be a leader uncompromising in his altruistic morals that hasn’t stopped the receding tide of progress, is it outside of his control or is this the future he envisions?
I really like your title; it hints at the positives and negatives of Yenan. I also like how you explore how women felt during this period. You provide your readers with a well-balanced analysis, which is good in any investigative journalism career. I also 100% agree with your comments on how the party put women’s issues second to other reform programs.
As you mentioned, I can’t help but notice how the Party pushes ideological assimilation when it comes to some concepts, but never push hard enough when it comes to creating an egalitarian society or elevating women’s status in the countryside. The men in the countryside I have come across, even some loyal members of the Party, are not too excited about the idea of women being equal to them or having opportunities to leave the house despite this being a fundamental piece of Marxist ideology and Mao Zedong Thought. The inconsistencies of the Party and its occasional backtracking seriously worries me.