Author: Robert Levitt (Liu Rui Bao)

Comrades! I would be remiss if I were to never acknowledge my own failings, both large and small, my long tenure as a journalist has seen me crawl through the muck and back. Although I often attempted to keep my integrity as a journalist, and as a socialist, my failures have mounted over the years to a point where I wonder what impact I have left on this world. Now provably false, although I may no longer hold these beliefs, did I lead any of you readers down a path contrary to what we have fought for? Have I myself been at least a contributor to a fall of productivity and faith in the party? I would like to take this time to dissect some of my wrongdoings, and what I now believe are the true answers.

I’d like to discuss my most recent coverage at the backend of the Great Famine, during the meet of seven thousand. I placed far too much faith in the likes of Liu Shaoqi and Deng Xiaoping, both of whom have time and time again espoused and enacted policies contrary to the idea of a Socialist China, working for the benefit of the Chinese people. We now know that Mao had not stepped aside for who he saw as good men, no, he was pushed out by these revisionists! Thinking of the progress lost by this grabbag for power by those more interested in their own advancement, it’s horrifying. Chairman Ma has previously discussed the consequences of allowing counter-revolutionaries to have their way, even to say their piece:

 

“If, in the absence of these movements the…. counter-revolutionaries bad elements and monsters were allowed to crawl out while our cadres were to shut their eyes to all this and in many cases fail even to differentiate between the enemy and ourselves but were to collaborate with the enemy and were corrupted, divided and demoralized by him, if our cadres were thus pulled out or the enemy was able to sneak in, and if many of our workers, peasants, and intellectuals were left defenseless against both the soft and the hard tactics of the enemy, then it would not take long, perhaps only several years or a decade, or several decades at most, before a counter-revolutionary restoration on a national scale inevitably occurred, the Marxist-Leninist party would undoubtedly become a revisionist party or a fascist party, and the hole of China would change its color.” (LRB 25-26)

 

My other major failing, as I have seen it, is from long ago, back during the Jiangxi Soviet, when I tempered my view of the Chairman heavily. I discussed what I viewed to be “authoritarian tendencies” the words coming from a man jealous of the prowess he saw before him no doubt. Mao has proved this claim to be wrong time and time again, showing that he forwards the movement of the people first and foremost, and will refuse to rest even when the going gets tough. A true leader, who we all aspire to be, he no doubt has power over many people. But would I say he uses that power to control the lives of the many for some power fantasy? Absolutely not! 

Just as it is important to listen to the wise words of the party is just as important to check your thoughts and actions, both recent and in the past. Have you evolved past any previous misgivings? If you worked actively against the interests of the Chinese people have you worked towards rectifying that mistake, whether it be through labor or acknowledgment to your peers, working forward with renewed vigor? It is important we check in on one another, correcting mistakes when possible and working together towards the Chairman’s vision of our future, a bright future in a socialist paradise. Work and hardship are the only way to accomplish our goals, are you willing to commit fully, and without any reservation to the cause?

Readers, I need not lecture you on the intricacies of the ongoing war. It seems every day we hear of another crime committed, another battle lost in a war with seemingly no end. The Japanese invasion of China, which initially signaled a decisive Japanese victory with vast early gains, has ground to a halt in terms of territorial gain. At this point, it’s tit for tat, man for man, with the greatest victim being the Chinese people. Millions are dead, and for what? Confidence in the government of Chiang Kai-shek has never been worse, rampant corruption is the worst-kept secret in the nation, and to top it off he retreated in humiliation from the Republic’s capital, leaving the city to the brutal onslaught of Japanese troops. The Republic has continuously shown an inability to care for the needs of the public, drowning possibly hundreds of thousands of civilians in the name of tactical advantage. It is no wonder people have flocked, in droves I might add, to the Chinese Communist Party in Yan’an, as well as their various splinter cells across the frontlines. 

The Yan’an Soviet, as many have called it, is a result of the “Long March” led by Chairman Mao Zedong, so remote as to keep the prying eyes of the Nationalist government far away, using the mountainous geography as a means of defense and isolation. I have undertaken the trek to this remote place in order to report back to you, dear readers, so that you may understand the appeal of the Soviet, as well as the not-so-savory aspects. I visited the Jiangxi Soviet, the predecessor to the Yan’an Soviet, a number of years ago as well, in a journalistic capacity, and I was intent on seeing what has changed in the interim. 

Mao is leading a wartime government, I cannot mince words when describing the purpose of this government. The full force of the Soviet is pointed towards the Japanese incursion, the economy is entirely directed towards supporting the wider war effort, and every man, woman, and child seems to have a “nationalistic fervor” if you will. Although in Jiangxi the Soviet was largely characterized by constant Nationalist attempts at their destruction, eventually leading to their expulsion, Yan’an seems to have taken somewhat of a step back from that rivalry. A great many people still prefer Mao to Chiang, evidenced by the mass immigration, however, you don’t hear the same anti-Nationalist rhetoric present all those years ago. Here and now it is about expelling the Japanese. Mao is said to have said something to the effect “There can be no communist experiment without a China in which to implement it.”  People are extremely receptive to this view, focused on a patriotic fervor, centered on the identity of the “Chinese people” fighting off imperialist invaders. While the Nationalist government isn’t entirely opposed to this kind of view Chiang is seen by the people to be something of an imperialist-sympathizer. He resisted any cooperation with the CCP until his hand was forced by his generals, a compromise only found after the Generalissimo was kidnapped and brought to the negotiating table. The people are aware of his fascist sympathies and tendencies, receiving extensive assistance and aid from Nazi Germany, who we are now at war with, as late as 1937. Japan, although an enemy of Chiang’s government, was not as high of a priority as he should have been, instead quarreling with the communists at the most inopportune of times. It has even been whispered, although concrete evidence is scarce, that Chiang’s government continues to withhold troops from the frontlines in preparation for an attack on the communists, possibly before the Japanese are even driven away.

Although the communists seem to be the preferable alternative I hesitate to even remotely describe them as a “utopia”, or even approaching such a distinction, which is often the image they try to convey. Mao Zedong, although beloved by a great many people, has shown tendencies reminiscent of an authoritarian, intent on personal rule. Mao Zedong Thought, also known as Maoism, serves as the centerpiece of the Party’s ideology, entirely derived from Mao’s own thoughts and writings in the past few decades. In its ideal form Maoism advocates for Agrarian revolution, the redistribution of wealth to the masses, and the overthrow of imperialist powers. The democratic power of the people is brought up by many, used as a centerpiece justification, a mandate if you will, of continued Communist rule. In practice, if you don’t align with Maoist thought you are purged from any position of authority, and your discourse will not be heard at any level. The Russian-backed intellectualism that characterized the Chinese communists of the 1920s and 1930s, those whom I often found myself surrounded by, have been cast aside entirely. The rectification campaign, as many have described it, seeks to push orthodox Marxism out of the picture. This is Mao’s movement, thus his name is on the “cover”. Although one could understand this in the light of adjusting traditional socialist thought in the face of a foreign situation, China is by no means the industrial European superpower Marx had in mind when describing the revolution of the proletariat, the policy in practice would seem to suggest a more sinister intention. The party has used this opportunity to castigate, and sometimes execute, anyone who does not fall into the CCP-directed mold. If the ideology of a party is derived from a single man, and that man has also instilled mortal fear in the minds of any possible dissenters, someone could reasonably call that a tyrannical rule. All keys to power descend from this single man, he dictates the society as a whole. And, yet, people still by-in-large approve of the Chairman’s Actions. This is wartime, after all, a heavy-handed approach is sometimes necessary to outlast a dire and uncertain situation. However, I would pose the question, where does this lead? The growth of Communists could conservatively be described as “exponential”, the Nationalist Party seems to be waning by the day. A peaceable solution in the aftermath of a Japanese defeat seems almost impossible considering pre-war relations, as well as fundamental ideological differences. Chiang’s government does have the support of foreign governments, the United States has provided abundant monetary and material aid to the Nationalists, while the CCP has largely alienated their natural Soviet (Russian) allies with the rectification campaign. The people clammer for regime change, but is that enough to overcome the might and interests of sprawling imperial nations? History would say no, the Century of Humiliation suggests China no longer can take on such a larger, more imposing, force. However, support for Mao only grows, holding off the Japanese, one of the most advanced militaries in the world, has bolstered the confidence of the Chinese communists in any protracted war. Either way, it seems we may be stuck with a rule that is both uncompromising and undemocratic, a future that does not bode well for the health of China as a whole.

Dear readers, we are living in unprecedented times, filled to the brim with those who are seeking change in an unfair world. However, that change is where many seemed to get bogged down, which is why reform has all but stopped in a number of areas. To some, China has changed enough in the years following the glorious revolution of 1911. We’ve been through regime change after regime change, Chiang Kai-Shek, for all his faults, has been a consistent force in the political scene. While stability as a goal can be well understood amongst our people, many of us were born into strife, hunger, and war, a great deal of the population does not see “stability” as the end goal. Some have turned to mainstream routes of reform, rising up the political ladder and seeking policy change in Nanjing. Time and time again it appears that our leader is not listening to the reason of the masses, all too often pleasing a minority that keeps him in power, the middle and upper classes. However, as you, reasonable readers, may be more than aware, our people largely live in the rural countryside with vastly different wants and needs, and dare I say more needs, than those who have already been so gifted in life. It is in this vein, this recognition of inequities perpetuated by the government in Nanjing that many have sympathized and joined up with the natural enemy of Chiang Kai-Shek’s Kuomintang party, the Communists. 

 

However, even different still are a great many peasants who have no understanding of the greater political game being played. They are simply not afforded that luxury. Many families in the countryside are still subjected to the whims of tax collectors and tyrannical local officials who seek out their own gain first and foremost. This has led to reported instances of taxes being collected decades in advance, bankrupting households under unjust circumstances. Many families have felt the need to, or have been outright forced, to hand over daughters as a form of “payment”, whether that be directly or sold into bondage in order to raise the demanded funds. Wan Xiang, a woman now living in CCP (Chinese Communist Party)-governed territory, spoke with me about her upbringing. Her sister was forced into marriage by a local official while she, at 7 years old, was sold as a child bride to pay a 1,000 silver dollar fine imposed by the same official on her family. These terrible events are occurring under the umbrella of both the Republic and the various warlord states scattered across China. Leadership has no interest in cracking down, and thus many have felt forced to act for radical change. For these people it is not an ideological contest, implementing global revolution as a means of achieving communism. No, this is an issue of practicality, what is in their best interest right now. In and around the Jiangxi and Fujian provinces many peasants are being stirred up by communist organizers, those who although have their own motives for their work present an opportunity of reprieve in dark times. 

 

Circumstances that people are faced with are not always imposed upon them by officials exploiting lack of oversight, no, many younger Chinese men and women are chafing under traditional values that were merely accepted by previous generations. With hope lost many were forced to give in to forced and arranged marriages, sold into slavery, and other cruelties. While these still exist the communist organizers have provided a means to an end for many wanting to resist what was previously deemed as “just the way things are”. Xie Pai-lan, a woman also now living in CCP-governed territory, was not familiar with the policy of the communists, and what their aims or governing philosophies were. No, she was just told that joining would mean avoiding an arranged marriage. The revolutionaries preach an egalitarian view of marriage, you may marry who you choose, and separate of your own volition. Ms. Xie joined up in order to avoid a marriage to a man well over 10 years her senior, enjoying the benefits therein. In addition, she partook in a raid on a local landlord redistributing grain and clothes to the needy masses nearby. Readers, I would be remiss not to note the violence she mentioned was taken during this raid. People were killed in what was deemed a public service. While to some this may seem morally abhorrent, taking the law into your own hands is a frightening prospect to many. However, I must remind you that these people are dealing with unjust officials, and in some cases no law at all. Speaking to a higher authority is simply not an option, and in the real world survival of the strongest is the law. A revolution that removes oppression cannot be effective or successful without bloodshed and conflict, at least that is what’s preached by the revolutionaries.

 

The communists around China, especially those located within the Jiangxi Soviet, have faced opposition from Chiang Kai-shek’s Kuomintang from all angles. Thus far, despite organized and determined efforts the Soviet has held out, although standing in opposition to such an overwhelming force is a battle one can imagine as downhill. Although uncertainty is the only certainty, an air of revolution, of dissatisfaction with those in power, has been thoroughly sown into China’s rural populace. It remains to be seen how that will develop going forward, whether that be through the reform of the Republic or more drastic measures.

Hello! 

 

My name is Liu Rui Bao, and I am currently studying at the National Central University School of Humanities focusing on History. I first enrolled here in 1927, after the closure of Shanghai University, making my way here with a few friends also caught up in the whirlwind. My wife of only 2 years, Li Bozhao, died of consumption on the trek. Although I have not yet totally overcome this loss, an indescribable and incomparable torture, I have slowly reckoned with my own purpose in this world. I am a man who has only been on this earth for 23 years, still being educated, still learning about the wider world. This world, and nation, within which I have been placed is one of positivity and growth, yes, but also suffering and poverty, inequities that could largely be erased through cooperation and understanding. That is what I have come “here” to do, why I am writing right now. I intend to raise awareness of the grief many of us, including myself, have ignored for far too long.

Now, as I expect you are asking yourself right now, whatever do I mean by “including myself”? Well, from an early age, I was treated to a blissful existence. Although I do not originate from royalty or nobility, nothing of that grandeur, my family did find some repute within our local populace. I was born in Wuxi, a small town within Jiangsu province that sits on Lake Taihu in the year 1907. My background largely consists of traders and merchants, taking advantage of increasing trade in the urban center of Shanghai. Silks, porcelain, cotton, and various other textiles would pass through my family’s hands: profit through the labor of others. Although perspective allows me to grasp the parasitic behavior of my ancestors I still understand where it has brought me. An education, and the ability to pursue a life of self-subsistence in a tumultuous world, I stand as a consequence of my origins.

In regard to my goals in this world, I believe we can trace that back to my earlier years in university. I approached my schooling with a generic tone. My father had sent me off to study business in the hopes of his son earning a degree and bringing expertise back home which he frankly didn’t have. A world of opportunity, and in his eyes profit, was being revealed to China in the 1920s, he wished not to be left out. When I reached university I was overwhelmed with conversation and introspection. People of all creeds and backgrounds, Marxist and nationalist, poor and wealthy, all studying at the same place, Shanghai University. I fell in with a crowd that I would by-in-large describe as intellectuals, those who viewed our current circumstance as begging for change. It is in this group where I would find my late wife, who I grew attached to almost immediately. The events of 1927 only served to solidify my resolve in where my future lies. Many comrades and friends were taken in the chaos, although they will always be remembered. I view the study of History as a means of protecting our future, as a means of observing the class inequality that has plagued not just China but humanity’s history. This light, that of class conflict, has only been touched upon relatively recently, and I intend to further that pursuit to the best of my abilities, both in past and contemporary events.