Author: Michael Strausberg (Hu Fan)

Greetings Tongzhimen,

As this tumultuous period finally comes to a close I now have the opportunity to reflect on the Cultural Revolution and the extent to which it achieved its two ambitious, main goals of closing the gap between the cities and the countryside and creating revolutionary successors from the urban, educated youth. Looking back, the two goals of the Cultural Revolution were only partially achieved and resulted in many negative consequences. 

Mao attempted to bridge the long-standing socioeconomic gap between the rural and the urban communities through the “Up to the Mountains and Down to the Countryside Movement”. Educated urban youth like students, teachers, and professionals were sent to the countryside to help solve the labor shortage rural communities were facing, while at the same time establishing an appreciation of rural life among the educated urban youth. Connecting urban and rural communities is a noble goal however the movement had a lot of unintended consequences. The educated urban youth were ill-prepared for the harsh conditions of the countryside. The propaganda the party published gave the educated urban youth a false image of prosperous and advanced rural communities, the reality of poor village life hit them very hard as they had to live with no electricity or running water. The first round of the campaign was voluntary and when reports on the reality of the villages returned nobody wanted to go, but by then the campaign was no longer voluntary. The educated urban youth also were not physically strong and did not know the required farming techniques and skills but still required sustenance from the rural families, proving to be counterproductive. The mass migration to the countryside disrupted the education of an entire generation of urban youth, and the consequences of this will not be fully realized until years later when the generation ages. The generation was also isolated from their families and old urban social networks, leading to isolation and for some individuals serious psychological issues like depression and disillusionment. 

One successful initiative under this broader movement was Barefoot Doctors, the mobilization of doctors and medical professionals into rural communities. Historically, rural populations had poor or non-existent healthcare, and by providing medical care and teaching medical knowledge to locals in these rural communities the quality of healthcare improved.    

The physical embodiment of urban, educated revolutionary successors was the Red Guards. These groups were mostly comprised of high school and university students who all unwaveringly followed Mao Zedong thought. They were the army that helped advance the Cultural Revolution. The Red Guards would engage in mass mobilization, confront perceived class enemies, and propagate Maoist thought. The intense ideological indoctrination and cult of personality surrounding Mao created a generation of individuals deeply loyal to Mao. They saw him as the supreme leader whose guidance was unquestionable. However, power struggles and extreme violence among revolutionary groups emerged, with each group claiming they loved Chairman Mao more. Innocent civilians were afraid to go out during the day for fear of being caught in the crossfire. Under the slogan “Attack with Words, Defend with Guns” the groups justified the fighting as members would acquire a range of weapons including grenades, bayonets, machine guns, cannons, tanks, and anti-aircraft missiles. Violence intensified until these groups were abolished by Mao. The cost of ideological conformity in the short term is the underdevelopment of the youth in the long term as political activism was prioritized over education. Mao radicalized the urban youth and destroyed independent thought, making it arduous to take a pragmatic approach after the Cultural Revolution.    

The Cultural Revolution pursued the admirable goals of closing the gap between urban and rural China and creating a new generation of revolutionary successors. Despite the consequences, it made minimal progress toward narrowing the divide between the rural and urban was effective in producing educated, urban youths who would become revolutionaries.

Dear fellow comrades,

Given the changing circumstances, I understand the importance of engaging in self-reflection. As a reporter, it is my duty to offer an accurate viewpoint on the subjects I investigate, not only for my own benefit but also for the individuals who peruse my published writings. I acknowledge that my previous evaluation of the land reform was founded on a narrow comprehension. Upon contemplation of my critique, I now realize that I failed to fully grasp the obstacles China was confronting during that period. A considerable portion of the article was dedicated to expressing apprehensions regarding violence and the fragmentation of the community.

However, In the words of great Chairman Mao, “A revolution is not a dinner party … A revolution is an insurrection, an act of violence by which one class overthrows another.” I failed to realize that communities can be repaired and that evil needed to be removed from society before we could move forward together toward a communist future. 

Looking back, I realize that my initial concerns were exaggerated, and my analysis did not fully appreciate the overarching goals of the land reform. The reform aimed to address inequality and poverty faced by our poor rural peasant backbone. The redistribution of land proved to empower these millions of poor peasants and was the first step of the socialization of agriculture where “social conditions are being created for a tremendous expansion of … agricultural production.” Although I briefly touched upon the success of land redistribution it wasn’t given the attention it deserved. I now have a more complete understanding. By not delving into the positive aspects and long-term advantages of land reform I failed to provide a comprehensive understanding to my readers and overlooked essential elements in the broader narrative of our development. 

I understand the importance of growing as a writer and embracing a nuanced approach in my work. As a journalist, it is essential that I admit when I make a mistake. Moving ahead I must prioritize providing in-depth and thoughtful analyses that take into account the aspects of the topics I cover. In hindsight, I realize that my previous critique of land reform was narrow-minded. Gaining an understanding of the complex matters involved I now understand the importance of conscious self-reflection. Moving forward I aspire to approach my future work with insight and a sincere dedication, providing my readers with an informed perspective.

 Sincerely, 

Hu Fan

Greetings Tongzhimen,

The Great Leap Forward, led by the visionary Chairman Mao was a daring effort to propel our nation into an era of economic and social advancement. Its primary objective was to enhance productivity and accelerate industrialization aiming to transform China from an agricultural economy into a thriving industrial power. By uniting the strength of the people through the establishment of people’s communes, which aimed to pool resources, foster mutual assistance, and take advantage of economies of scale.

While a potentially necessary step towards modernization and catching up with other industrialized nations, the campaign had negative consequences. People’s communes, though well-intentioned, presented formidable challenges to rural communities. The transition disrupted established agricultural practices, leading to a decrease in agricultural production. These difficulties, expected during such a drastic societal shift, also serve as a testament to the government’s unwavering commitment to modernization and progress.

 An unexpected challenge of people’s communes is the tendency for local cadres to make decisions not aligned with local conditions or the needs of the community along with over-reporting of grain production to meet grain production targets. These exaggerated reports masked the true extent of the food crisis. As a result, food scarcity in provinces across the country worsened into a food shortage. A report by the Jinan Municipal Investigation Team on the outbreak of famine and deaths in Gaoguanzhai township states Cadres would also often hoard rations for themselves. Out of desperation people resorted to consuming substitutes like tree bark, weeds, and corn husks. Millions died of starvation and malnutrition was widespread, particularly affecting the vulnerable, children and the elderly. 

A report from the Wanxian Region Committee recounts how local cadres subjected people to inhumane and brutal measures. They established illegal jails, unauthorized courts, and labor camps. Along with torturing individuals, subjecting them to hanging, physical beatings, forcing them to kneel on scorching coals, inflicting mouth piercings, and other heinous acts. Afterward, they would burn the dead bodies to get rid of the evidence. These actions not only failed to contribute towards meeting grain production targets but also inflicted immense pain and suffering on innocent individuals. 

Counter-revolutionary Wu Xing and his crimes were reported by the Guangdong Provincial Party Committee. He established illegal labor camps and punished people with hard labor if they did not show up to work or showed dissatisfaction. He used his power as a Cadre to threaten those he disliked. While the people in the village were struggling to survive, Wu Xing and his followers had a feast for every meal. Wu Xing and his followers are not comrades, they are greedy, power-hungry rightists who showed their true nature when times became difficult.   

Though the Great Leap Forward carried noble intentions with its grand vision it is crucial not to overlook the complexity of reality. We must learn from the hardships endured during the Great Leap Forward in order to build a prosperous future for our country.

Hello, intellectuals. I am currently living in one of the many small villages undergoing land reform, reporting on the Communist Party’s strategies for redistributing land more equitably. The simple and fast approach of taking and redistributing the land by force seems appealing. However, I believe the Communist Party has decided to implement land reform as a mass campaign for significant long-term benefits. The involvement of peasants in land reform mobilizes the peasants and fosters a revolutionary spirit and cohesion among rural populations. This involvement aligns with the Communist Party’s goal of obtaining the widespread support of the people.

After arriving at the village, the work team would organize and explain the land reform campaign, instilling communist ideas about class, oppression, and the proletariat and bourgeoisie among the villagers. To establish a connection with the villagers, the members of these work teams would try to cultivate relationships with villagers, encouraging them to “speak bitterness”. A key part of the Communist Party’s land reform strategy is giving historically oppressed peasants a way to express their anger and frustrations. These stories exposed the landlords’ abuses and built solidarity among the peasants suffering under the landlord. Small group meetings are organized to mobilize villagers to voice their issues with their powerful landlords who are afraid to do so publicly. After categorizing the people of the village into classes, struggle sessions would be held against those deemed as the ruling class. Led by community members oppressed by the landlords, struggle sessions teach peasants that they were not born to be oppressed and they can stand up against their oppressors. By centering land reform around the poor peasants, who now have been given power for the first time, the Communist Party is sending a powerful message that they will listen to those oppressed. 

The mass land reform campaign has revealed serious dangers. Violence, brutality, and sexual assault are rampant. Land investigation campaigns were often violent. Justice seems nonexistent, overrun by the peasant mob. In some regions, land equalization led to brutal retaliation by Nationalists, thus creating a cycle of violence where Nationalists and the Communist Party would retaliate against the village, seeking to obtain authority and removing perceived threats. This unrelenting violence and chaos during land reform will leave deep wounds of instability. Mao’s broad and strict characterization of landlords as universally oppressive failed to capture the nuanced reality. This oversimplification results in the suffering of the innocent. 

Work teams also face many challenges. Tensions and confusion fill the air during meetings, hindering progress. Language barriers impede communication, and resistance from villages, including poor peasants, created an atmosphere of mistrust and division. Cadres’ corruption further complicated the situation, eroding the goodwill of the people they aimed to liberate. As class labels were introduced, anxiety spread, weakening the bonds that held communities together. Conflicting views within the party on how to treat rich and middle peasants added to the confusion, the constant changing of policy left many unsure of the right path forward.

The legacy of land reform will be mixed, marked by the successful redistribution of land along with the deep wounds of violence, injustice, and the continued peasant poverty. Proving the difficulty of widespread social change.

Hello, fellow intellectuals. I am in Yenan, a remote part of the northern Shaanxi province. I am here observing Mao along with his fellow leaders and revolutionaries who settled in this poor, mountainous region after the Long March. Yenan became the headquarters of the communist party for the second united front with the KMT against the Japanese. I believe a variety of individuals have been attracted to Yenan because of the new communist leadership and the Red Army.

Mao’s ideas have drawn a wide range of individuals to Yenan, peasants seeking refuge from oppression, intellectuals who resonate with communist ideology, and ardent anti-Japanese sympathizers all are drawn to this magnetic place. This convergence creates a distinctive, uplifting atmosphere that stands in stark contrast to the harsh realities faced by the Communist Party. The work here is demanding, and the populace resides in modest cave dwellings, all while the looming prospect of resuming hostilities with the KMT hangs overhead. A spirit of self-reliance and sacrifice for the greater good permeates Yenan. Leaders of the communist party live in Yenan and are not distant figures, but a part of the community, approachable and able to be seen in everyday life. Mao in particular is respected by all who reside here and lives a simple life. An exciting atmosphere simultaneously exists as widespread social change seems imminent. Yenan’s foundation firmly rests upon three pillars of cooperative labor: workers, peasants, and soldiers. Experimental ideas are actively put into practice such as the mass line and training centers are established for the education of party values. Those who did agree were forced to study Mao’s work extensively creating a strong, ideologically unified party that has the potential to unite all of China.  

The livelihoods of peasants are superior to their nationalist counterparts. Peasants in Yenan pool all their resources, labor, and land, so they can achieve economies of scale, and increase agricultural productivity while reducing the risks associated with farming. In agricultural cooperatives peasants work collectively and share in the benefits of their labor. While gaining access to modern farming equipment and improved farming techniques.

Guerrilla warfare tactics that the Red Army employed are proving to be effective against the Japanese. Individuals with patriotism and a strong move here and join the Red Army, wanting to take up arms and fight on the front lines becoming a soldier of this impressive force. The Chinese especially those living in the northern and eastern parts of the country have had terrible experiences with the Japanese imperialists who follow the policy of “kill all, burn all, loot all.” and are sympathetic to the Communist Party which has always held the clear stance of anti-Japanese.    

Women are encouraged to do agricultural work and workshops for textile and sewing as these techniques have been lost to time in rural Yenan. Women would also create things like clothing and blankets for the army while the men are fighting to contribute to the war effort. Women are a key part of this town and have a path to economic self-sufficiency. Yenan is conservative and has a traditional view on marriage. Combined with the male soldiers’ desire for the continuation of the old marriage law, marriage reform is a low priority.

The Communist Party has proven it can unite a variety of people under the same ideology, for the shared vision of a more equitable society. Yenan is proof of this. It is also a glimpse of what a communist China could become.

Hello, intellectuals. Confucianism has failed China, we have failed to modernize and as a result, we are being pushed around by imperial powers. Confucianism abandons the peasant farmer and devalues women and the young. In theory farmers, the majority of this nation, should be second in the social hierarchy only to intellectuals. In reality, the peasant farmers who are the backbone of our nation are at the bottom living a miserable existence. They are exploited by all those above them and often live in poverty. The poorest 90% of peasants only own 18% of the land, while the richest 10% own half of it. Although Confucian ideology doesn’t consider women to be inferior, it places them in subordination to men for her entire life; her father before marriage, her husband when married, and her son after the death of her husband. This restricts women’s ability to own property, hold office, and have autonomy, often leading to their commodification in times of hardship. In both major and minor marriages women face unique challenges beyond the no autonomy men and women have in marriage. In a major marriage, since the woman goes to the husband’s household after marriage, she has to leave her old household and adjust to her new one. Often these women never get the chance to return to her old household. In minor marriages, since the wife is adopted into her husband’s house and raised there from a young age she is easily manipulated by the husband’s mother so she can remain in power. The concept of Filial piety is based on the strict principles of hierarchy and obligation where obedience to your parents and elders is more important than yourself. Rather than genuine care, youth feel an obligation to respect their elders, leading to strained relationships due to its often weaponization against them. Government officials are chosen through exams on Confucian classics, so in theory, anyone can become an official. In reality only those rich enough can afford private tutors and the cost of studying rather than helping support one’s family economically can memorize the classics for the competitive exams. In addition, ordinary people have little to no access to the government. This has led to the exploitation of the people and ineffective policy.      

Many Chinese citizens are influenced by the Chinese Communist Party’s vision of a classless, egalitarian society, its criticisms of traditional Chinese culture, and its focus on empowering women, peasants, and the young. The revolutionaries agree with the criticisms above and believe communism can fix them all. And They disagree with the elevated status of intellectuals. The “Communist Manifesto” by Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels offers an appealing vision of a society to those at the bottom, a society devoid of class conflict and exploitation from those above. The Chinese people, who have long been oppressed by landowners and affluent elites, find a lot of resonance with this viewpoint. The Manifesto argues the case that capitalism is inevitably unsustainable and will be replaced by socialism and communism, enabling a possibility for a society that is more just and egalitarian. All people who suffer under the current government hope for a more equitable future and the Chinese Communist Party might be that future.

Hello, my name is Hu Fan and I would like to share a little about myself. Born on April 1st, 1911,  I grew up in Dongzhou, a coastal subdistrict in the Guangdong province. I lived with my father, a seasoned fisherman who ventured into the sea to provide for our family. My mother would also contribute to our livelihood by selling her embroidered goods. She would also manage the household along with my grandmother. My grandfather passed away before I was born. I think that saddened my father, as my grandfather seemingly had a large legacy in our family, but my father valiantly tried to shield us from his sorrow. We are not affluent but we made enough to get by. My younger sister is married and lives with her husband. Her marriage strengthened our family allowing me to attend college. I am currently attending school in Guangzhou studying psychology. I want to learn about my country, the part I never saw living in the countryside. Also being a reporter will help me with my psychology studies. I am willing to take the risk of reporting in such a treacherous time as I believe in uncovering the truth. I am concerned for the future of our nation, I hear the rumblings of change and worry that a drastic revolution will cause the shaky ground that we stand on will collapse. Thank you for reading.